A Gambian journalist has alleged that Mandinkas face sustained state-orchestrated tribal discrimination under both the Jammeh and Barrow administrations. The author stated that Mandinkas of The Gambia are the "singular and consistent targets of state-orchestrated tribal discrimination" across these two presidential tenures. This claim comes as Seedy Njie serves as a nominated Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly, a position of significant influence within the legislative body. The journalist's allegations suggest a deeply entrenched pattern of discrimination that spans across different presidential tenures, indicating a systemic issue rather than isolated incidents. The claim notes a continuity in the alleged targeting of Mandinkas, asserting that this community has been consistently singled out for discriminatory practices by the state. The author's strong assertion frames the Mandinka community as the primary and ongoing victim of these alleged state-orchestrated actions. The fact that these claims are being made while Seedy Njie holds such a prominent position shows the perceived urgency and relevance of the allegations.
Seedy Njie's Lack of Standing
Seedy Njie is characterized as a member of a group described as anti-Mandinka tribal bigots. His personal standing in his hometown has been questioned, particularly regarding his political history and electoral performance. Njie originates from Chamen in Nianija, a village with historical ties to the author's family. Specifically, Chamen was founded by Ida Cham's grandfather, Alpha Yero Cham, establishing a direct connection between Njie's origins and the author's familial background. The author's characterization of Seedy Njie as part of a group of anti-Mandinka tribal bigots is a serious accusation, suggesting a deliberate and coordinated effort to perpetuate tribal animosity. This framing positions Njie not as an individual actor, but as part of a larger collective with a shared anti-Mandinka agenda.
In 2017, Seedy Njie contested a parliamentary seat in Nianija but was unsuccessful in his bid for election. During that election, he secured only 411 votes out of a total of 3,039 cast. This outcome represented approximately 14% of the total votes, indicating that a substantial 86% of the Nianija electorate rejected his candidacy in what was his sole electoral test of personal standing. This significant rejection rate in his hometown election serves as a critical indicator of his lack of local support and influence. This result suggests Njie lacks a substantial political base or standing within his hometown, despite his current high-profile role as a nominated Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly. The author emphasizes that this election was Njie's "one and only test of personal standing," implying that his subsequent appointment to a nominated position does not reflect genuine popular support. During Yahya Jammeh's presidency, a period of significant political activity in The Gambia, Seedy Njie did not hold any elected office. This further supports the argument that his political career has not been built upon grassroots electoral success or a strong mandate from the populace. The consistent lack of electoral success, particularly in his own constituency, is presented as evidence that Seedy Njie has no standing or base in his hometown, despite his current national appointment.
The President's Role
The author claims President Adama Barrow is "greedy, craven, corrupt, and malevolent," suggesting the President is willing to engage in "naked anti-Mandinka tribalism" to maintain his hold on power. This assertion positions the President as a central figure in the alleged perpetuation of tribal discrimination, portraying his actions as driven by a desire for political self-preservation. The author's characterization shows a belief that Barrow's political motivations are deeply intertwined with actions perceived as discriminatory against the Mandinka community. The use of strong adjectives like "greedy," "craven," "corrupt," and "malevolent" notes the author's severe criticism of President Barrow's leadership and his alleged role in fostering tribal divisions. This perspective suggests that the current administration, under President Barrow, is actively utilizing or condoning anti-Mandinka tribalism as a tool for political gain, further entrenching the alleged state-orchestrated discrimination.
A high-profile non-Mandinka lawyer, practicing in The Gambia, shared insights with the author regarding the extensive and harmful nature of anti-Mandinka bigotry within the country. The lawyer's account reportedly detailed the "depth and perniciousness" of this sentiment, providing an external perspective on the issue that extends beyond the Mandinka community itself. This testimony from a legal professional, who is not Mandinka, adds a layer of corroboration to the claims of widespread anti-Mandinka tribalism, suggesting that the issue is recognized and experienced by individuals from diverse backgrounds within Gambian society. The description of the bigotry's "depth and perniciousness" indicates a widespread and damaging influence on the social fabric of the nation. This independent corroboration strengthens the author's argument that anti-Mandinka tribalism is a significant and acknowledged problem, not merely a subjective observation. The lawyer's insights show the gravity and widespread impact of this form of discrimination.
Author's Personal Connection
The author’s personal background reflects a diverse Gambian heritage, providing a unique lens through which to view tribal dynamics. Their Fula mother is identified as Ida Cham, a significant detail connecting the author's lineage to the village of Chamen. The author's familial connections further extend to a Mandinka father and Wolof uncles, illustrating a multi-ethnic lineage within The Gambia. This rich and varied heritage positions the author as someone with direct personal experience of the country's diverse ethnic tapestry. The author stated that this personal background profoundly informs their perspective on tribalism, allowing for an understanding that transcends single-group identification. They further conveyed that concerns about being disliked for their Mandinka identity do not influence their journalistic work, asserting their commitment to objective reporting despite personal connections to the community at the center of the allegations. This declaration emphasizes the author's dedication to journalistic integrity, aiming to ensure that their personal Mandinka identity does not compromise the impartiality or the force of their reporting on tribal issues. The author explicitly states that they do not care if some people dislike them because they are Mandinka, reinforcing their resolve to address these sensitive issues without fear of personal repercussions. The fact that their Fula mother, Ida Cham, is the granddaughter of Alpha Yero Cham, the founder of Chamen in Nianija, adds another layer of personal connection to the geographical and historical context of the political figures discussed, particularly Seedy Njie.
Fighting the Agenda
The author stated an intention to actively campaign against Seedy Njie in Nianija, aiming to ensure the National People's Party (NPP) loses the election there in December. This effort is framed as a direct challenge to the perceived anti-Mandinka agenda, targeting its proponents at the local electoral level. The author views this campaign as a key step in disrupting the institutional mechanisms that enable tribal discrimination. This strategic focus on Nianija, Seedy Njie's hometown and the site of his past electoral defeat, shows the author's commitment to challenging the perceived anti-Mandinka agenda where it is most personally relevant to one of its alleged proponents. The author further contended that while anti-Mandinka bigots would persist even after President Adama Barrow and his "hired tribal goons" are removed from power, these individuals would no longer be able to enforce an anti-Mandinka agenda through government instruments. This perspective suggests a focus on dismantling the institutional mechanisms enabling tribal discrimination rather than eradicating the sentiment entirely. The author acknowledges the enduring nature of tribal bigotry but asserts that removing its ability to manifest through state power is a tangible and achievable goal. This approach notes a pragmatic strategy: even if the underlying prejudice cannot be entirely eliminated, its capacity to inflict harm through state apparatus can be neutralized, thereby preventing the state-orchestrated discrimination that has allegedly plagued Mandinkas under both the Jammeh and Barrow administrations. The author's commitment to fighting this agenda is a direct response to the "depth and perniciousness" of the anti-Mandinka bigotry described by the non-Mandinka lawyer, aiming to create a political environment where such sentiments cannot be translated into policy.
